Nyesom Wike: His style, achievements and the fate of FCT workers

By ETIM ETIM

President Tinubu is obviously impressed by the many infrastructural projects Nyesom Wike has built in the last 18 months as the 17th minister of the FCT. A drive around the city reveals the extent of his accomplishments in the sheer number of roads and bridges he’s been able to build in such short period of time, and the man is sparing no cost in advertising his success. Since early May, Wike has spent up to N500 million to buy front page advertisements in major newspapers to announce the projects he’s completed which are ready for commissioning by the president. The commissioning events are usually loaded with pomp and revelry during which the FCT minister will showcase his latest dancing skills. As governor of Rivers State, Wike built 12 flyovers in Port Harcourt, in addition to other road projects, and this helped to address the notorious traffic gridlock in the city. So far, the FCT administration under Wike has completed 150 kilometers of roads in both the satellite towns and the Abuja metropolis. Roads and bridges alone were allocated over N1 trillion in FCT’s 2025 budget. As an Abuja resident and a regular visitor to Port Harcourt, I commend Wike for his efforts.

In terms of personal style, Wike has created some impression too. He appears very foppish and tools around in a bullet-proof Lexus LX 600 SUV, which costs around $100,000 based on the manufacturer’s website. He also owns a 2024 Phantom Rolls Royce, a luxury sedan with a 6.75L V12 engine priced around $515,000 – $595,000 (N824 million – N952,000,000). To travel across the country, Wike flies in a private jet. His style makes a mockery of the World Bank’s theory that Nigeria is a poor country with majority of the citizens living in multidimensional poverty!

ALSO READ Salient historical mistakes some Igbo leaders made By Prof Lawrence ETIM Discussions about Nigerian history, particularly the events leading to the Civil War and the continuing agitation for self-determination, often evoke strong emotions and divergent interpretations. While many people focus on external factors that affected the Igbo people, it is equally important to examine certain decisions and actions by prominent Igbo leaders that some critics regard as STRATEGIC ERRORS or POLITICAL MISTAKES. Whether one agrees with these assessments or not, they remain part of the broader historical debate. 1. Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe's Rejection of the Right to Secession Before Nigeria attained independence, Chief Obafemi Awolowo reportedly supported constitutional provisions that would allow any region to withdraw from the federation if it so desired. Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, however, opposed such provisions, favouring a stronger and more indivisible Nigerian federation. As a consequence, the Nigerian Constitution evolved without a recognised legal pathway for secession, making any attempt at breaking away from the federation constitutionally impermissible. Critics argue that this position reflected a lack of foresight, particularly in light of later political crises. Interestingly, many of those who advocate self-determination today, notably the Igbos, rarely attribute any responsibility to Azikiwe for supporting a constitutional framework that effectively foreclosed the option of lawful secession. Canada has a constitutional provision that guarantees the right of any region to break away through a plebescite. In 1992, a French speaking region Quebec narrowly missed the threshold score in a referendum that would have allowed it to break away. Ethiopia, former Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, St Kitts and Nevis are other examples of countries that provide constitutional rights for any of its region to break away. Critics say Nigeria missed such opportunity because of Zik's opposition during the pre-indepedence constitutional conference and public debate. 2. The January 1966 Coup and Its Perceived Ethnic Imbalance The January 15, 1966 military coup, led principally by Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, remains one of the most controversial events in Nigerian history. During the coup, several prominent Northern political leaders and senior military officers were killed, while leading Igbo military officers and politicians were spared. Ojukwu himself was living in Kano but was spared. Madiebo (who would later serve as the chief of defence staff in Biafra) and many other military officers of Igbo extraction were also spared. This apparent imbalance created widespread perceptions in Northern Nigeria that the coup was ethnically motivated, regardless of the intentions of its planners. The resulting suspicion and resentment contributed significantly to the counter-coup of July 1966. Critics contend that Nzeogwu's actions unintentionally deepened ethnic divisions and destabilised the country. They further argue that many Igbo commentators have been reluctant to subject Nzeogwu's actions to the same level of criticism directed at other historical actors. 3. The taking over of power by Aguiyi-Ironsi was uncalled for. J. T. U Aguiyi-Ironsi had no business taking over power when the president, speaker of Parliament and chief Justice of the Federation where there. These were the people (in that order) stipulated by the Constitution to take over power in the event of the absence of the Prime minister. So, it was mistaken for Ironsi to take over the reigns of power. According to critics, that action also portrayed Ironsi as being sympathetic to the coup plotters. No Igbo person has ever openly criticized Ironsi for that malfeasance. 4. General Ironsi's Failure to Swiftly Prosecute the Coup Plotters Following the January 1966 coup, Major General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi assumed power as Nigeria's Head of State. During his six-month administration, the principal coup plotters were not prosecuted or subjected to any judicial proceedings. To many Northern officers and political leaders, this appeared to validate suspicions that the new government was sympathetic to the coup's objectives. Whether justified or not, these perceptions further eroded trust in the federal government and intensified regional tensions. Critics therefore argue that Ironsi missed an important opportunity to reassure the country and restore confidence in national institutions. The Igbos have never blamed ironsi for such inertia. 5. The Introduction of a Unitary System of Government by Ironsi One of the most consequential decisions of the Ironsi administration was the promulgation of Decree No. 1, which sought to replace Nigeria's federal structure with a unitary system of government. By concentrating greater authority at the centre and reducing regional autonomy, the decree generated widespread opposition, particularly in Northern Nigeria. Critics maintain that the policy was politically ill-timed and insufficiently sensitive to Nigeria's ethnic and regional diversity. They also argue that it made any future attempt at regional self-determination more difficult by strengthening the authority of the central government. I'm not aware of any Igbo person clamouring for cessation today who had ever blamed Ironsi for promulgating such a retrogressive law, whose reverberations are still felt upto this moment. 6. Ojukwu and the Decision to Go to War History offers numerous examples of leaders who have faced scrutiny for taking their nations into unsuccessful wars. Critics often cite the example of General Leopoldo Galtieri the military president of Argentina, whose decision to engage the United Kingdom in the 1982 Falklands War led to military defeat and subsequent legal consequences. After the war, Argentina prosecuted Galtieri in a court of law and jailed him for 12 years for losing the war and bringing opprobrium to the country. Similarly, Lieutenant Colonel Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu led the Eastern Region into the Nigerian Civil War following his declaration of the Republic of Biafra in 1967. With huge propaganda machinery but little arms and ammunitions, Ojukwu dragged his people and other Easterners into a three-year period of mass suffering and death. The war ended in Biafra's defeat with immense human suffering, humongous loss of life, and severe economic devastation. Critics argue that Ojukwu should have taken responsibility for the consequences of the conflict. They further contend that many Igbo people continue to celebrate his legacy while paying comparatively little attention to his strategic errors that contributed to the catastrophic outcome. Had Ojukwu been prosecuted or even criticized for losing the war, younger generations of IPOB leaders would have been more circumspect with a lesson to learn. President Obasanjo should always be appreciated for not dragging Nigeria into a senseless war with Cameroon over Bakasi Peninsula. History will for ever remember President Jonathan for knowing that his political ambition is not worth the blood of any Nigerian. 7. Nnamdi Kanu and Contemporary Separatist Agitation In contemporary times, Nnamdi Kanu emerged as the leading figure of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), advocating the creation of an independent Biafran state. His movement has generated both support and controversy. Critics argue that aspects of the agitation, including the enforcement of Monday sit-at-home orders by various actors claiming allegiance to the cause, have inflicted substantial economic losses on businesses and communities in the South-East. They further contend that violence associated with separatist activities has disproportionately affected the very communities the movement seeks to protect. From this perspective, Kanu's leadership deserves critical scrutiny alongside criticism directed at other political actors in Nigerian history. Sadly, no Igbo person has ever openly criticized Kanu. 8. Important Igbo political leaders do not support Peter Obi presidency. Is it a big mistake that many important Igbo political leaders do not support Obi's presidential bid? For instance, the governor of Anambra State Chukwuma Charles Soludo is in the wont of declaring his anti-Obi sentiments openly, declaiming that Obi will never win. The Minister of Works Engr David Umahi does not support Obi either. Obi's public campaigns are essentially plebs-driven. Critics are wondering why Igbos do not criticize their leaders for not supporting Obi. A mature assessment of history requires the willingness to examine both external injustices and internal mistakes. No ethnic group, political movement, or historical figure is beyond criticism. Understanding the successes and failures of past leaders can provide valuable lessons for future generations and contribute to more balanced and constructive discussions about Nigeria's past, present, and future.

But if you look beyond the minister’s lavish lifestyle and the speed with which he rolls out projects, you’d find a city in a terrible situation. Over 100,000 workers of FCT are currently either on strike for nonpayment of salaries and other sundry grievances. The over 10,000 primary school teachers in the FCT have been on strike in the last four months, protesting against non-payment of salaries since 2023; non-payment of the N70, 000 minimum wage and other allowances like peculiar allowance and other benefits like salary increases. Another important set of workers, Primary Health workers, have also joined the strike, protesting against nonpayment of salaries since 2023. In all, over 50,000 school kids in the nation’s capital have been out of school for 14 weeks because their teachers have not been paid in two years. At the same time, over 200 primary health centers which provide healthcare for the low income earners in Abuja have been shut down due to industrial action. Yet, our flamboyant Minister is commissioning projects everyday and spending millions to advertise them. What manner of country is this?

On Monday, June 30, the whole of FCT civil servants, under the aegis of Joint Unions Action Committee (JUAC), went on a three-day warning strike to draw the minister’s attention to 11 demands that include non-promotion between 2023 and 20-25; lack of training and others. ‘’We love the projects, the roads and bridges, but we, the workers should not be forgotten. We are human beings and we are also Nigerians’’, the leader of the workers union said yesterday, as the protesters sang and danced near the FCDA headquarters, Abuja, on Monday. Under Wike, 500 primary schools and 200 PHCs have been closed down, leaving millions of residents without access to basic healthcare and primary education. It is a tragedy of immense proportion to which the media has paid scant attention. Such important news items have been crowded out by too many political juggling going on in the country.

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I do not know if President Tinubu is aware of the rot in the FCT, and if so, what he’s doing about it. The president has been too engrossed in the politics of his reelection. Nothing else seems to matter. But some senior citizens of the FCT have chosen to talk about the decay in the territory. Elder Danjuma Tanko Dara, Coordinator of FCT Senior Citizens Forum, says the situation is a ‘’monumental failure of governance that has left the FCT in a state of social emergency’’. He added: ‘’This is not the Abuja we envisioned. While our children roam the streets instead of being in the classrooms, our sick and vulnerable are being denied basic medical care’’.

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It important to point out that payment of salaries of primary school teachers is the responsibility of Local Government Areas or Abuja Municipal Area Councils (AMACs), as they are known in the FCT. Under the Tinubu administration, the 774 LGAs across the country, including the area councils of the FCT, have been receiving their funding directly from the FAAC, just as the 36 states and FCT get their own allocations. The sharp increase in petrol prices since 2023 have led to improved funding to the states and LGAs. Why then have the six AMACs in Abuja refused to meet their basic obligations to their citizens? Any nation that toys with the health and education of its citizens is a disaster waiting to happen.

The fact that these councils are now enjoying financial autonomy cannot be an excuse for some local politicians to pocket or stash away money meant for teachers’ salaries for their personal use. FCT residents and school children deserve pity and the workers who are on a three-day warning strike should receive the minister’s attention.

Etim Etim

ETIM ETIM is a veteran journalist and PR professional with over 35 years of cognate experience.

He is the publisher and editor-in-chief of Policy & Politics (www.policyandpolitics.com.ng), an online newspaper dedicated to insightful analysis of Nigerian news and world’s report. He is also a columnist with BusinessDay and The Cable and is a regular contributor to other newspapers.

Contact: +234802 3159969 (WhatsApp Only)

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